Sunday, December 18, 2011

What makes the Gülen Movement different from movements of the past and present in Europe?

fgulen.com

Although the Gülen Movement is a contemporary movement, it concerns itself with forms of action, content and meanings that are qualitatively different from the tradition of struggle frequently seen in European societies.

It does not fit into the conventional categories of the workers’ movement of industrial capitalism and modern leftist movements.


Along with inequalities or changes in society that are economic and political, there are changes and meanings that arise because of the various contractions of the fields in which cultural and moral values can be expressed. Meanings and values such as faith, family, morality, and parts of people’s history have been sidelined or forgotten. Many mechanisms of self-control and autonomy, especially those arising from people’s cultural heritage and religion have been pushed out by modernity. Their constructive influence has lessened, and they have contracted to become mere expressions of individualism or escapism.

The Gülen Movement recognizes the need for a new and inclusive synthesis arising from the past but based upon universal values and modern realities. The Movement therefore emphasizes a different array of factors, including values, such as equality, freedom, dignity, altruism, good life, ecology and morality, needs and issues which the socio-political structure fails to implement.

Published on fgulen.com, 13 December 2011, Tuesday

Wednesday, November 30, 2011

Gulen: Dervish of Our Times

Prof. Qazi Obaidur Rehman Hashmi *

Fethullah Gulen is a renowned and distinguished scholar of Islam having broad and in-depth knowledge of world history, politics and philosophy, besides having a comprehensive vision of world religions and religious movements. The main theme of his numerous writings and discourses, is interfaith dialogue which has assumed special significance in the backdrop of ideas like the end of history and clash of civilizations.


Gulen’s movement though not the first to sustain multicultural and interfaith dialogue is definitely the most laudable initiative along with a number of significant organized efforts currently at work, committed to world peace, harmony and human happiness. Gulen being highly conscious of his moral obligations is always ready to go extra miles to defuse crisis and to give peace a chance. Visualizing a bright future for the humanity, he contemplates that if we could universally believe in religious diversity as representatives of a single Truth i.e. God Almighty, the dreadful spectre of terrorism and sectarian violence would vanish. He is among those cool headed thinkers who are fully convinced that war is no solution to any of the world’s problems. It only vitiates the atmosphere and instead of dousing the flames, unleashes hostility to cause further flare up with no end to such tragic episodes. 

Gulen being a great advocate of interfaith harmony and universal brotherhood has always favored restraint even in the face of the worst kind of hostility revenge and animosity. This high calibre Muslim intellectual who is witness to a number of upheavals in his own native land, Turkey, cites to his followers the example of the prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and his pious companions who never initiated war by themselves, tried their best to avoid wanton killings, worked hard to negotiate and settle scores if any, beyond the zones of battle filed. However, when they were forced to wage war, they fought a few defensive battles ensuring that transgression of any kind did not take place and the war in no case turned out to be a tool to serve some body’s persona! ambitions, pride or prejudice. War is the last resort and the most detested choice for a true Muslim as the holy Quran warns that shedding a drop of blood of an innocent person is like slaying the entire humanity incurring the wrath of the Lord of the universe, inviting severest kind of punishment in the hereafter, while saving a life is like saving the whole humanity.

Gulen suggests that most of the ills of our times including misery, impoverishment, social and moral debasement and a general erosion of values are by and large, the result of mad rush to conclusions and hasty decision to resolve differences through violence, abuse and intimidation instead of patient hearing, compassion and magnanimity. Gulen being a staunch lover of humanity can never approve of such policies which are disastrous and detrimental to human happiness. He believes in the principle of forgiveness and fortitude. He even goes a step farther to affirm in this regard the views of the luminous mystic of his time Yunus Emre, who declares” don’t strike those who hit, not to respond harshly to those who curse and not to hold any secret grudge against those who abuse” 

Gulen born and brought up in a traditionally religious Turkish family, who committed holy Quran to memory in a tender age, is a spiritual revolutionary par-excellence. Early influence on his life beside his saintly father, is traced to several luminaries and legendary figures such as Al Hasan al Bash, Shahwalilluah Dehlavi (1703-1762), Jalaluddin Rumi (1776) and Ahmad Sarhindi (1564-1624) etc. His deep fascination and involvement with the metaphysical experiences of Mujaddid Alf-e-Sani of India, and Badiuzzaman Syed Nursi of Turkey, clearly indicate his ardent desire and pious wish to go through a process of spiritual purgation before embarking on the divinely designated mission of transforming the society by dedicating himself to the relentless and selfless service to humanity for the rest of the life.

Why it is that Gulen, despite having been rated by the Foreign Policy Prospect as one of the highly acclaimed 100 top intellectuals of the world is still a lesser known public figure in the Muslim world. It may be because of his low profile and a moderate Turkish version of Islam and too much of his emphasis on the inter-civilization dialogue which is only a recent phenomenon in championing the cause of Islam. 

Gulen being a unique example of the modern day Dervish, has successfully maintained the delicate balance between orthodoxy and spiritualism. He has repeatedly and categorically stated that the main source of his spiritual awakening, strength and guidance is the Holy Quran and the sayings of the prophet of God Mohammad (PBUH). He seriously contends that the true followers of Islam cannot abdicate the responsibility of serving the suffering humanity. In his opinion the service to humanity is as good as the sincere devotion to God. Despite being least concerned with worldly pleasure, he is not ready to renounce the world so as to leave it to the mercy of the senseless and wicked people to destroy it. He is a sufi who believes in action, proactive life, ceaseless efforts and perseverance in the face of challenges. 

In most of his soul searching sermons, speeches and scholarly writings, he exhorts to his followers not to sit idle and come forward to contribute to the combined efforts for making this world beautiful and a better place to live in. The magically edifying quality of his exhortations have created a very powerful impact on his followers the world over. As a result they have dedicated themselves with utmost sincerely and selflessness to achieving the higher goals in life. 

Gulen doesn’t believe in imposing his views on his followers and urges them to critically examine and logically analyze his messages before applying them on their lives. He is a strong supporter of free thinking and scientific outlook based on the universal ethical values which also need to be nurtured and promoted through systematic and scientific method of teaching in the specially designed educational institutions. A number of such ideal institutions established by his followers are being successfully run not only in Turkey but in many parts of the globe, and a large number of students irrespective of caste, color and creed are benefiting from them. These institutions are not merely for religious education. Their main aim is to impart modern education taking care of the overall Personal development and carving a future in the realm of science and technology. Its a purposeful educational project with highest consideration to human values, social consciousness and a responsible behavior toward every individual in the society. 

* Author teaches at the Dept of Urdu, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

Published on Grater Kashmir, 26 November 2011, Saturday

Friday, September 23, 2011

Justice, Fairness and Hocaefendi

According to Islamic teachings, oneness of God (tawhid), prophethood, resurrection and justice (adl) are fundamental principles advocated not only by Islam, but also by all religions.
These form the essence of what all prophets from Prophet Adam to Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, offered to humanity as beliefs and deeds.
In this respect, protecting these principles essentially serves the protection of religion(s). The reason why Islam describes some divine religions as altered or modified is that these principles are modified or altered from their original state by their respective practitioners.
The subject matter of this article is to discuss justice as one of these essential principles, as well as fairness, which can be considered one aspect of justice, and how Hocaefendi [Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen], performs with respect to fairness. I have discussed with Hocaefendi my assessment of the conference on Gülen held in Germany which I attended, as well as the critical stances which were expressed and responses to these criticisms during this conference. He listened to me with extreme caution and interest. He voiced his own assessments. I will try to convey these assessments in three categories and with special emphasis on justice and fairness as I noted above.

Wednesday, September 21, 2011

The Islamic case for a secular state


When Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan promoted the secular state last week during his trip to Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, many were surprised. Especially ultra-secularist Turks, who are used to calling Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party, or AKP, “Islamist,” could not believe their eyes.
I was much less surprised, though. Because I knew that what I call “the AKP’s transition from Islamism to post-Islamism” was real. I even tried to explain its reasoning in a series of pieces titled “The Islamic case for a secular state,” which appeared in this very column some four years ago.
Here is a long excerpt from one of those pieces:
“In June 1998, a very significant meeting took place at a hotel near Abant, which is a beautiful lake in the east of Istanbul. The participants included some of the most respected theologians and Islamic intellectuals in Turkey. For three days, the group of nearly 50 scholars discussed the concept of a secular state and its compatibility with Islam. At the end, they all agreed to sign a common declaration that drew some important conclusions
“The first of these was the rejection of theocracy. The participants emphasized the importance of individual reasoning in Islam and declared, ‘No one can claim a divine authority in the interpretation of religion.’ This was a clear rejection of the theocratic political doctrines — such as the one established in the neighboring Iran — which granted a divinely ordained right to a specific group of people for guiding society.
“The second important conclusion of the Abant participants was the harmony of the principles of divine sovereignty and popular sovereignty. (Some contemporary Islamists reject democracy by assuming a contradiction between the two.) ‘Of course God is sovereign over the whole universe,’ the participants said. ‘But this is a metaphysical concept that does not contradict with the idea of popular sovereignty, which allows societies to rule their own affairs.’
“The third argument in the declaration was the acceptance of a secular state that would ‘stand at the same distance from all beliefs and philosophies.’ The state, the participants noted, ‘is an institution that does not have any metaphysical or political sacredness,’ and Islam has no problem with such political entities as far as they value rights and freedoms.
“In sum, the ‘Abant Platform,’ as it became known, declared the compatibility of Islam with a secular state based on liberal democracy. This was a milestone not only because the participants included top Islamic thinkers, but also because the organizers were members of Turkey’s strongest Islamic community, the Fethullah Gülen movement.”
In the following years, some of the participants of this Abant Platform became ministers in AKP Cabinets, and the ideas they articulated guided the AKP on matters of religion and politics. (In that sense, both the Gülen Movement, and the Said Nursi tradition that it sprang from, deserve credit for helping create the AKP.)
So, you might ask, what was the big war over secularism that haunted Turkey in the past decade?
Well, it was a war between those wanted a secular state and those who wanted to preserve the secularist one, which was not based on neutrality but on hostility toward religion. In the same series of pieces on Islam and the secular state, I noted:
“Today the big question in Turkey is whether our republic will be a secular or a secularist one. Our homegrown secularists have never gone as far and radical as Mao, but some of them share a similar hostility toward religion. And they have every right to do so as far as they accept to be unprivileged players in civil society. But they don’t have the right to dominate the state and use the money of the religious taxpayers in order to offend and suppress their beliefs.”
Today, Turkey is more secular but less secularist. And that is why it is making more sense to Arabs and other Muslims.

Friday, September 16, 2011

Core Values of the Gülen Movement: Worship and Servanthood

Thomas Michel


1. Oğuz and Erol, typical members of the Gülen cemaat

Oğuz comes from a casually practicing Muslim family in Malatya, Central Anatolia.1 He first came to know the Gulen movement as a high school student in Ankara and shortly thereafter moved into a yurt, or residence, run by the community. He spent his last two years of high school there as he prepared for the dreaded Öğrenci Seçme Sınavı (ÖSS), the Student Selection Examination. The ÖSS is the college entrance and placement exam taken annually by over 1.5 million students in Turkey, which determines both the universities and programs that a student can enter. Oğuz placed within the top 1% of his examination year and was thus able to enter the Middle East Technical Institute in Ankara, one of the best universities in the country. There he took a bachelor’s and master’s degree in physics and had a scholarship offer from a prestigious university in the United States. However, instead of pursuing this enviable career opportunity, Oğuz took up a job teaching physics in a high school in Kirghizstan. There he married a Kirghiz colleague and after eight years they are still living and teaching in that country.

Erol is a businessman, with his own plumbing supplies company in the southeast Turkish city of Gaziantep. He came to know the Gülen movement by way of his fellow business associates. For the past ten years, Erol has donated one million Turkish lire (about $600,000) annually to the activities of the community. He has “adopted” one of the movement’s schools in Cambodia, a project he has never seen but to which he feels personally connected and for which he provides funding. He has only met Hoca Effendi as Fethullah Gulen is affectionately called by those in the community, once. That meeting took place on a recent visit with other Turkish business leaders to Fethullah Gulen’s current residence in Pennsylvania. His knowledge of Gülen’s vision and teaching comes mainly from CDs, radio broadcasts, and magazine articles that reproduce Gülen’s sermons and discussions, often in question-answer form.

What are the values that have inspired Oğuz, Erol, and thousands of other Turks to sacrifice time, talents, funds, and career to a communitarian project they call the Hizmet, or “Service”?

Obviously, the Hizmet is not the only movement in today’s world that promotes and enables altruism and philanthropy. Other associations, both religious and secular, could be named. However, there are many reasons for generous and self-sacrificial behavior, and it would be simplistic to assume that each of these movements is motivated by the same set of values. It is the purpose of this paper to try to point out the core values of the Gulen movement, the ideals that make them tick and operate, and which distinguish them from other groups and organizations that are also doing good things in today’s world.

2. A movement inspired by Islamic ideals

First of all, the Gülen community is properly speaking an Islamic movement, not merely a movement composed mainly of Muslims, but a movement shaped and guided by Islamic ideals and principles, sustained by Islamic practice and devotion, and committed to a vision of the role that Islam can and should play in today’s world. For this reason, it is inevitable that the core values of the movement will derive from the Islamic tradition itself. In this paper, I will take a set of these central values and try to show how they influence and help to form the distinctive character of the Hizmet, or as it is popularly known, the Gülen community.

The Gülen community is inspired by the preaching and writing of the Turkish scholar Fethullah Gulen. It is Gülen’s particular understanding of the teaching of the Qur’an and hadith and his appropriation of the way this message has been understood, lived, and commented upon by Muslims down through the centuries that provide the intellectual content of the movement and the ideals pursued by the community.

Elsewhere, I have written of the concept of ikhlas (sincerity, purity of intention) as a key value that motivates the work of the community.2 In this paper, I would like to focus on another central notion that motivates and characterizes the activities of the Gülen cemaat. This is the important concept of ‘ibada (‘ibadat, ‘ibadah),3 which is broadly translated as worship, and the related concepts of ‘ubudiyya (servanthood) and ‘ubuda (devotion).

3. Worship, servanthood, devotion

The terms translated in English as “worship,” “servanthood,” and “devotion” are taken from Arabic and possess a long history in the Islamic tradition. In particular, they have been commented upon by Sufi teachers and theoreticians down through the ages. Fethullah Gulen has appropriated this traditional language and applied it to the practice of Islam in modern situations. A study of these concepts provides a key to understanding both the movement’s spiritual motivation as well as the success of its undertakings.

The term ‘ibada is derived from the Arabic root meaning slave or servant and carries the idea of enslaving oneself to God or of acting as God’s servant, with the consequent connotations of obedience, submission, devotion, faithfulness, service etc. The concept is not an innovation within the Abrahamic tradition, and is well known in both the Hebrew Scriptures and the Christian New Testament. Moses was referred to as God’s servant and the idea of Israel as God’s faithful Servant was later developed by the prophets, especially Isaiah. Christian authors of the New Testament identified Jesus with the Suffering Servant of God spoken of by Isaiah. In the Qur’anic account of the Night Journey (Qr 17:1), Muhammad is referred to simply as “His servant” (“Glory to God Who did take His servant for a journey by night…”

In many treatments of Islamic belief and practice, and in the minds of many Muslim believers, ‘ibada is simply equated with ritual acts, specifically the ritual practices such as the daily salat prayers, the Ramadan fast, the pilgrimage to Mecca etc., that are obligatory for all Muslims. Particularly in works of fiqh (jurisprudence), ‘ibada as ritual activity is treated as a separate chapter distinct from mu'amalat (business affairs and contracts), munakahat (marriage regulations), jinaya (expiation), hudud (punishment), faraid (inheritance) etc.



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New Islamic movements and amodern networks

Gokhan Bacik * and Umit Kurt ** 


Abstract

The revival in Islamic studies of interest in explaining social transformation in Muslim societies has stimulated a need for new methodological inquiries. The deployment of informal institutions within daily life is also a rediscovery of the traditional Islamic networks, patterns, values and cognitive forms. The rise of daily life as the major unit of operation for the new Islamic movements directs them to a completely different position vis-a-vis modernity: to create an alternative Islamic civil society, that is indifferent to the existing modern one. The Gulen Movement, with its success at creating trans-national networks, is the perspicuous case for illustrating the amodern world view of new Islamic movements. Study of the Gulen Movement on the basis of its amodernity is a methodology that contributes also to the study of how Islam is reproduced in daily life despite modern challenges. Such a study makes a necessity, in any research agenda, of the acknowledgement of the amodern in the sociology of religion. The major contribution of this paper is to display how Islamic movements develop an irregular position towards modernity. Therefore, the validity of traditional binaries, such as ‘Islamic movements vs. modernity’, or ‘Islamic movements as products of modernity’, has to be questioned. Being indifferent to the state and operating through daily life, new Islamic movements gain the ability to connect with historical Islam, the roots of which had fixed well before those of modernity.
Keywords: Islam; amodernity; the Gulen movement; informalism

The revival in Islamic studies of interest in explaining social transformation in Muslim societies has stimulated a need for new methodological inquiries. The binary of Islam and civil society, a repeated thesis, has taken the study of Islam out of the civilian domain and juxtaposed Islamic movements and states (Gellner 1996). However, recent studies, Turkish ones especially, have concluded that Islamic movements are successful without any state agenda. Accordingly, new Islamic movements base their ‘mobilisation strategy on transforming everyday practices’ rather than following the former Islamist way of developing political agendas (Tuğal 2009). The focus on daily life reminds the strategic role of informal networks. New Islamic movements, as the agents of daily life, operate mainly through informal networks. This results in a perception of informal institutions as functional or problem solving and entails a recognition of their positive role in providing solutions to the various problems of social interaction (Halmke and Levitsky 2004). Indeed, the new Islamic movements’ informalism is a deviation from the hallmarks of modern society, such as calculability, formalism and the separation of the market and the state (Misztal 2000). The deployment of informal institutions within daily life is also a rediscovery of the traditional Islamic networks, patterns, values and cognitive forms. Thus, the rise of daily life as the major unit of operation for the new Islamic movements directs them to a completely different position vis-a-vismodernity: to create an alternative Islamic civil society, that is indifferent to the existing modern one. In the past, some radical Islamists had completely rejected modernity. Others, paradoxically, modernised part of their political agenda to sympathise with the state and nationalism. However, the new Islamic movements ply their mobilisation strategy in daily life contexts and situate themselves in an irregular position to modernity. Their amodern (neither modern nor anti-modern) position creates its own parallel sphere founded on the traditional patterns of Islam.

The Gülen Movement, with its success at creating trans-national networks, is the perspicuous case for illustrating the a modern world view of new Islamic movements. Fethullah Gülen is an influential Islamic scholar whose ideas activate millions not only in Turkey but also around the globe (Yavuz and Esposito 2003; Ünal 2000). His Movement is described as ‘the largest Islamic movement in Turkey and the most widely recognised and effective one internationally’ (Turam 2004, 265). This Movement is successful at deploying its discursive and material instruments in a number of countries, among them are the ones as different as Thailand and Macedonia (Sevindi and Abu-rabi’ 2008). How can this Movement activate large masses and realise complex trans-national projects, both of which require sophisticated discourse, persuasion, planning and other social and material procedures? The study of the social dynamics through which the Gülen Movement operates is the natural unit of analysis for any inquiry that seeks an answer to such questions.

‘Movement’ studies provide a wide of range of theories to explicate the successes of social movements, as well as their transformation and decay. This paper proposes that it is mainly the amodern trait of the Gülen Movement, particularly evident in its engagement with religion-based networks that makes this Movement globally successful. ‘Amodern’ refers to the traditional networks, symbols, values, institutions, patterns and cognitive forms that pre-date modernity, yet retain the capacity to be effective among people, and for that reason, the ability to transcend the separated forms of modernity.

Study of the Gülen Movement on the basis of its amodernity is a methodology that contributes also to the study of how Islam is reproduced in daily life despite modern challenges. Beyond the traditional debate about Islam and modernity, a critical point of analysis is how Islam preserves its traditional forms of identity, legitimacy and cognitive models in their traditional patterns. That is, study of the Gülen Movement reveals the details of how new Islamic movements operate in daily life and how they activate the traditional informal networks. Such a study makes a necessity, in any research agenda, of the acknowledgement of the amodern in the sociology of religion. The major contribution of this paper is to display how Islamic movements develop an irregular position towards modernity. Therefore, the validity of traditional binaries, such as ‘Islamic movements vs. modernity’, or ‘Islamic movements as products of modernity’, has to be questioned. Being indifferent to the state and operating through daily life, new Islamic movements gain the ability to connect with historical Islam, the roots of which had fixed well before those of modernity.



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Tuesday, August 30, 2011

Fethullah Gülen: A Vision of Transcendent Education

Charles Nelson *

Abstract


Focusing on the acquisition of knowledge considered to be essential to future careers, schools rarely consider ethics and values as part of the curriculum. This lack, coupled with a materialistic perspective toward educational outcomes, has contributed to the sense of a moral crisis in the U.S. and in its schools. In response to this crisis, a character education movement has attempted to instill virtue into U.S. students. Similarly, another education movement has arisen, that of Fethullah Gülen. This movement has founded hundreds of schools around the world, seeking to integrate science and spirituality in an attempt to raise a "Golden Generation" of individuals who will usher in a world of peace and harmony. Working toward this goal, Gülen-inspired teachers prefer to teach ethics by example rather than by lecture in order not to create conflict between themselves and community expectations. In a culture of individualism and Wall Street and political scandals, however, it is not clear whether U.S. students in general would be inspired sufficiently by moral exemplars alone to inquire into the reasons for their behavior, much less to be transformed into a "Golden Generation." Consequently, this paper explores educational research findings and the writings of Fethullah Gülen, concluding that in a U.S. setting, at least, Gülen-inspired educators should consider incorporating practices of moral reasoning, intention, and self-determined action in their schools.

read more!

Friday, July 22, 2011

A Brief Biography of Fethullah Gülen


Fethullah Gulen
Fethullah Gülen is a Turkish Muslim scholar, thinker, author, poet, opinion leader, educational activist, and preacher emeritus. He is regarded as the initiator and inspirer of the worldwide social movement of human values known as the Hizmet (Service) Movement or the Gülen Movement .  Focused on education where secular curricula are taught by teachers who aspire to “represent” high values of humanity, this social phenomenon defeats easy categorization. Volunteer participants in the movement, consisting of students, academicians, business owners, professionals, public officials, white-collar and blue-collar workers, farmers, men and women, young and old, contribute to multiple ways of service, which crystallize in tutoring centers, schools, colleges, hospitals, a major relief organization, publishing houses, and media institutions, both in Turkey and in more than a hundred countries of the world.

Gulen’s discourse cherishes and his life exemplifies values like empathic acceptance, altruistic service of one’s community and humanity in general, complementary roles of the intellect and the heart, sincerity, holistic view of the human, deepening faith and love of the creation. He is noted for his pro-democracy, pro-science, pro-dialogue and non-violence stances in critical junctures of the history of his society. In May 2008, Fethullah Gulen was listed among the top hundred public intellectuals in the world by Foreign Policy magazine .


Despite the high regard millions hold for him, Gulen considers himself only one of the volunteers of the civil society movement he helped originate and denounces any attribution of leadership. He spends most of his time reading, writing, editing, worshiping, and receiving medical care. Sharing the suffering of humans in every corner of the world, he has always been known for his deep respect for and connection to all creation. “Living to let others live” (“yasatmak icin yasamak” in Turkish) is the core principle of his understanding of service. His promotion of dialogue, empathic acceptance, and harmonious coexistence can best be reflected in a comparison with that of Rumi, the 13th Century Anatolian spiritual poet and one of Gulen’s sources of inspiration.




Fethullah Gülen was born into a humble family in Erzurum, Turkey, in 1941 , and was raised in a spiritually enriching environment. He attended a public elementary school for three years but could not continue due to the appointment of his father to a village where there was no public school. He later obtained his diploma by self-studying and passing a comprehensive examination. His religious education consisted of studies in classical Islamic sciences such as Qur’anic recitation and memorization, exegesis (tafseer), Arabic language, Prophetic Tradition (hadith) as well as the spiritual tradition of Islam (tasawwuf), which he studied under renown scholars and spiritual masters around his hometown such as Muhammed Lutfi Efendi of Alvar.

During the 1950s Fethullah Gülen completed his religious education and training under various prominent scholars and Sufi masters leading to the traditional Islamic ijaza (license to teach). This education was provided almost entirely within an informal system, tacitly ignored and unsupported by the state and running parallel to its education system. At the same time, Fethullah Gülen pursued and completed his secondary level secular education through external exams. In the late fifties, he came across compilations of the scholarly work Risale-i Nur (Epistles of Light) by Said Nursi but never met its famous author.

After passing an exam administered by the Turkish State’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet Isleri Baskanligi) in 1958, he was awarded a state preacher license and began to preach and teach in Edirne, a province on the European part of the country. In this period of his youth, he had the opportunity to deepen his knowledge in the Islamic tradition, informally study social and natural sciences, and examine the classics of both Eastern and Western philosophy and literature. Among the historic figures who had the most impact on his intellectual life we can mention Abu Hanifa, Ghazali, Imam Rabbani, Rumi, Yunus Emre, and Nursi. It was his broad-ranged reading attitude that equipped him for his well-known comprehensive interpretations.
Fethullah GulenThroughout his career he maintained his personal life style of devout asceticism while mixing with people and remaining on good terms with the civic and military authorities he encountered in the course of that service. He witnessed how the youth were being attracted into extremist, radical ideologies, and strove through his preaching to draw them away from that. Using his own money he would buy and distribute published materials to counter an aggressively militant atheism and communism. He saw the erosion of traditional moral values among the youth and the educated segment of Turkish society feeding into criminality, political and societal conflict. These experiences were formative influences on his intellectual and community leadership and reinforced his faith in the meaning and value of human beings and life.

In 1961, Fethullah Gülen began his compulsory military service in Ankara and was later transferred to the Mediterranean coastal city of Iskenderun.  In Iskenderun, his commanding officer assigned to him the duty of lecturing soldiers on faith and morality, and, recognizing Fethullah Gülen’s intellectual ability, gave him many Western classics to read. Fethullah Gülen attributes his comprehensive exposure to the western philosophical thought to the encouragement of this commander. Throughout his military service Fethullah Gülen maintained his ascetic lifestyle as before.

In 1963, following military service, Fethullah Gülen gave a series of lectures in Erzurum on Rumi. He also co-founded an anti-communist association there, in which he gave evening talks on moral issues. In 1964, he was assigned a new post in Edirne, where he became very influential among the educated youth and ordinary people. The militantly laicist authorities were displeased by his having such influence and wanted him dismissed. Before they could do so, Fethullah Gülen obliged them by having himself assigned to another city, Kirklareli, in 1965. There, after working hours, he organized evening lectures and talks. In this phase of his career, just as before, he took no active part in party politics and taught only about moral values in personal and collective affairs.

In 1966, Yasar Tunagur, who had known Fethullah Gülen from earlier in his career, became deputy head of the country’s Directorate of Religious Affairs and, on assuming his position in Ankara, he assigned Fethullah Gülen to the post that he himself had just vacated in Izmir. On March 11, Gülen was transferred to the Izmir region, where he held managerial responsibility for a mosque, a student study and boarding-hall, and for preaching in the Aegean region. He continued to live ascetically. For almost five years he lived in a small hut near the Kestanepazari Hall and took no wages for his services. It was during these years that Fethullah Gülen’s ideas on education and service to the community began to take definite form and mature. From 1969 he set up meetings in coffee-houses, lecturing all around the provinces and in the villages of the region. He also organized summer camps for middle and high school students.

In Izmir, the largest province of the west coast of Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s outstanding discourse began to crystallize and his audience to expand. He traveled from city to city to give sermons in mosques, speeches at gatherings in various places including theatres and coffee houses. Speaking on essential subjects ranging from peace and social justice to philosophical naturalism, his primary aim always remained as urging the younger generation to harmonize intellectual enlightenment with spirituality anchored in the faith tradition, and to serve fellow humans altruistically.

Gulen’s discourse, which had been easily distinguished by its depth of knowledge, logic, sensitivity, proper referencing and stellar eloquence, attracted the attention of the learned citizens including academic community and college students, as well as common people all around the country. His speeches were recorded on tape, distributed even in villages, and zealously embraced. As he frankly asserts, he simply thought to cultivate this public credit, “though he never deserved it,” by channeling good intentions and devotional energy towards a positive end.

Fethullah Gulen describes this initially national and subsequently universal ideal as “gathering around high human values” by means of education and dialogue. Regarding this ideal, Fethullah  Gülen has always named his function as an “advisor” or “motivator” at most. His audience in Izmir initially served as a seed to form a community of like-minded citizens from all walks of life and later expanded to citizens from very different backgrounds, including non-Muslims who share the humanistic dimension of Gulen’s vision if not its Islamic roots.


Fethullah GulenIn 1970, as a result of the March 12 coup, a number of prominent Muslims in the region, who had supported Kestanepazari Hall and associated activities for the region’s youth, were arrested. On May 1, Fethullah Gülen too was arrested and held for six months without charge until his release on November 9. Later, all the others arrested were also released, also without charge. When asked to explain these arrests, the authorities said that they had arrested so many leftists that they felt they needed to arrest some prominent Muslims in order to avoid being accused of unfairness. Interestingly, they released Fethullah Gülen on the condition that he gave no more public lectures.

In 1971, Fethullah Gülen left his post and Kestanepazari Hall but retained his status as a state-authorized preacher. He began setting up more student study and boarding-halls in the Aegean region: the funding for these came from local people. It is at this point that a particular group of about one hundred people began to be visible as a service group, that is, a group gathered around Fethullah Gülen’s understanding of service to the community and positive action.

Between 1972 and 1975, Fethullah Gülen held posts as a preacher in several cities in the Aegean and Marmara regions, where he continued to preach and to teach the ideas about education and the service ethic he had developed. He continued setting up hostels for high school and university students. At this time educational opportunities were still scarce for ordinary Anatolian people, and most student accommodation in the major cities, controlled or infiltrated by extreme leftists and rightists, seethed in a hyper-politicized atmosphere. Parents in provincial towns whose children had passed entrance examinations for universities or city high schools were caught in a dilemma – to surrender their children’s care to the ideologues or to deny them further education and keep them at home. The hostels set up by Fethullah Gülen and his companions offered parents the chance to send their children to the big cities to continue their secular education, while protecting them from the hyper-politicized environment. To support these educational efforts, people who shared Fethullah Gülen’s service-ethic now set up a system of bursaries for students. The funding for the hostels and bursaries came entirely from local communities among whom Fethullah Gülen’s service-ethic idea (hizmet) was spreading steadily. With Fethullah Gülen’s encouragement, around his discourse of positive action and responsibility, ordinary people were starting to mobilize to counteract the effects of violent ideologies and of the ensuing social and political disorder on their own children and on youth in general. Students in the hostels also began to play a part in spreading the discourse of service and positive action. Periodically, they returned to their home towns and visited surrounding towns and villages, and, talking of their experiences and the ideas they had encountered, consciously diffused the hizmet idea in the region. Also, from 1966 onward, Fethullah Gülen’s talks and lectures had been recorded on audio cassettes and distributed throughout Turkey by third parties. Thus, through already existing networks of primary relations, this new type of community action, the students’ activities, and the new technology of communication, the hizmet discourse was becoming known nation-wide.

In 1974, the first university preparatory courses were established in Manisa, where Fethullah Gülen was posted at the time. Until then, it was largely the children of very wealthy and privileged families who had access to university education. The new courses in Manisa offered the hope that in future there might be better opportunities for children from ordinary Anatolian families. The idea took hold that, if properly supported, the children of ordinary families could take up and succeed in higher education. As word spread of these achievements, Fethullah Gülen was invited, the following year, to speak at a series of lectures all over Turkey. The service idea became widely recognized and firmly rooted in various cities and regions of the country. From this time on, the country-wide mobilization of people drawn to support education and non-political altruistic services can be called a movement – the Gülen Movement.

In 1976, the Religious Directorate posted Fethullah Gülen to Bornova, Izmir, the site of one of Turkey’s major universities with a correspondingly large student population and a great deal of the militant activism typical of universities in the 1970s. It came to his attention that leftist groups were running protection rackets to extort money from small businessmen and shopkeepers in the city and deliberately disrupting the business and social life of the community. The racketeers had already murdered a number of their victims. In his sermons, Fethullah Gülen spoke out and urged those being threatened by the rackets neither to yield to threats and violence, nor to react with violence and exacerbate the situation. He urged them, instead, to report the crimes to the police and have the racketeers dealt with through the proper channels. This message led to threats being made against his life. At the same time, he challenged the students of left and right to come to the mosque and discuss their ideas with him and offered to answer any questions, whether secular or religious, which they put to him. A great many students took up this offer. So, in addition to his daily duties giving traditional religious instruction and preaching, Fethullah Gülen devoted every Sunday evening to these discussion sessions.

In 1977, he traveled in northern Europe, visiting and preaching among Turkish communities to raise their consciousness about values and education and to encourage them in the same hizmet ethic of positive action and altruistic service. He encouraged them both to preserve their cultural and religious values and to integrate into their host societies. Now thirty-six, Fethullah Gülen had become one of the three most widely recognized and influential preachers in Turkey. For example, on one occasion in 1977 when the prime minister, other ministers and state dignitaries came to a Friday prayer in the Blue Mosque in Istanbul, a politically sensitive occasion in Turkey, Fethullah Gülen was invited to preach to them and the rest of the congregation. 

Fethullah Gülen encouraged participants in the Movement to go into publishing. Some of his articles and lectures were published as anthologies and a group of teachers inspired by his ideas established the Teachers’ Foundation to support education and students.

In 1979, this Foundation started to publish its own monthly journal, Sizinti, which became the highest selling monthly in Turkey. In terms of genre, it was a pioneering venture, being a magazine of sciences, humanities, faith, and literature. Its publishing mission was to show that science and religion were not incompatible and that knowledge of both was necessary to be successful in this life. Each month since the journal was founded, Fethullah Gülen has written for it an editorial and a section about the spiritual or inner aspects of Islam, that is, Sufism, and the meaning of faith in modern life.

In February 1980, a series of Fethullah Gülen’s lectures, attended by thousands of people, in which he preached against violence, anarchy and terror, were made available on audiocassette.

In 1980, on September 5, Fethullah Gülen spoke from the pulpit before taking leave of absence for the next twenty days because of illness. From March 20, 1981, he took indefinite leave of absence. By the third coup, the Turkish public appeared to have learnt a lesson. There was no visible public reaction. The faith communities, including the Fethullah Gülen Movement, continued with their lawful and peaceful activities without drawing any extra attention to themselves. Fethullah Gülen and the Movement avoided large public gatherings but continued to promote the service-ethic through publishing and small meetings. At this point, the Movement turned again to the use of technology and for the first time in Turkey a preacher’s talks were recorded and distributed on videotape. Thus, in spite of the atmosphere of intimidation following the coup, the hizmet discourse, far from being suppressed, continued to spread in a way that, ironically, was possibly more effective. In the years immediately following the coup, the Movement continued to grow and act successfully. In 1982, Movement participants set up a private high school in Izmir, Yamanlar Koleji.

In 1989, Fethullah Gülen was approached by the Directorate of Religious Affairs and requested to resume his duties. His license was reinstated to enable him to serve as an Emeritus Preacher with the right to preach in any mosque in Turkey. Between 1989 and 1991, he preached in Istanbul on Fridays and on alternate Sundays in Istanbul and Izmir in the largest mosques in the cities. His sermons drew crowds in the tens of thousands, numbers unprecedented in Turkish history. These sermons were videotaped and also broadcast. At the beginning of the 1990s, the police uncovered a number of conspiracies by marginal militant Islamists and other small ideological groups to assassinate Fethullah Gülen. These groups also placed agent-provocateurs in the areas around the mosques where he preached with the aim of fomenting disorder when the crowds were dispersing after Fethullah Gülen’s sermons. Due to Fethullah Gülen’s warnings and the already established peaceful practices of the Movement, these attempts failed and the agent- provocateurs were dealt with by the police.

In 1991, Fethullah Gülen once again ceased preaching to large mosque congregations. He felt that some people were trying to manipulate or exploit his presence and the presence of Movement participants at these large public gatherings. However, he continued to be active in community life, in teaching small groups and taking part in the collective action of the Movement. In 1992, he traveled to the United States, where he met Turkish academics and community leaders, as well as the leaders of other American faith communities. By this stage, the number of schools in Turkey established by the participants in the Gülen Movement had reached more than a hundred, not counting institutions such as study centers and university preparatory courses. From January 1990, Movement participants began to set up schools and universities in Central Asia too, often working under quite harsh conditions.

Starting in 1994, Fethullah Gülen pioneered a rejuvenation of the Interfaith Dialog spirit in the Turkish-Muslim tradition, which was forgotten amidst the troublesome years of the early twentieth century. The Foundation of Journalists and Writers, of which Gulen was the honorary president, organized a series of gatherings involving leaders of religious minorities in Turkey such as the Greek Orthodox Patriarch, Armenian Orthodox Patriarch, Chief Rabbi of Turkey, Vatican’s Representative to Turkey and others. The “Abant” platform, named after the location of the first meeting in Bolu, Turkey, brought together leading intellectuals from all corners of the political spectrum, the leftists, the atheists, the nationalists, the religious conservatives, and the liberals, providing for the first time in recent Turkish history a place where such figures could debate freely about the common concerns of all citizens and pressing social problems.

During this period Fethullah Gülen made himself increasingly available for comment and interview in the media and began to communicate more with state dignitaries in order to help ease the tensions generated by the artificial debates around a phantom threat to the secular nature of the Turkish republic. The showdown between the military wing of the National Security Council and the ruling Virtue Party-True Path Party coalition eventually led to the so-called “February 28, 1997 post-modern military coup,” which forced the coalition government to resign and a harsh set of social engineering measures to be pursued by the new government under close military scrutiny.

In March 1999, upon the recommendation of his doctors, Fethullah Gulen moved to the U.S. to receive medical care for his cardiovascular condition. Upon recommendation of his doctors, Gulen stayed in the U.S. to continue to receive medical care and to avoid stress caused by politically charged atmosphere of the February 28 post-modern military coup.

The growing influence of Fethullah Gulen and the significance of the civic movement he helped generate worried some circles in the country who benefited from a closed society with government-favored enterprises, a monopoly on the intellectual life and an isolationist approach to foreign affairs. These circles accused Gulen of having long-term political ambitions and eventually persuaded an ultra-nationalist prosecutor to bring charges against him in 2000 based on a doctored set of video clips which first appeared in mass media in June 1999. While these charges were found to be baseless and eventually dismissed in 2008, the case caused a set-back in the interfaith and intercultural dialog spirit that Gulen helped re-kindle.

He currently lives at a retreat facility in Pennsylvania together with a group of students, scholars and a few visitors who consider it a “good” day in terms of his health if he is able to have a half-hour conversation answering their questions.

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This brief biography is mainly based on Fethullah Gülen’s biographical interview, Küçük Dünyam (Istanbul: Ufuk, 2006), his latest publications, the series of Kırık Testi (7 volumes, Istanbul), the biographical analysis about Fethullah Gülen by Ali Ünal, Bir Portre Denemesi (Istanbul: Nil, 2002), and it includes excerpts from “Chapter 2: Historical Background” of the book entitled “The Gulen Movement: Civic Service without Borders” by Muhammed Cetin (New Jersey:  Blue Dome, 2008).

Selected Publications on Gülen in English
1.    Esposito, J., and Yilmaz, I., 2010, Islam and Peacebuilding: Gulen Movement Initiatives, New Jersey: Blue Dome.
2.    Ebaugh, Helen R., 2009, The Gülen Movement: A Sociological Analysis of a Civic Movement Rooted in Moderate Islam, New York: Springer.
3.    Cetin, Muhammed, 2010, The Gulen Movement: Civic Service without Borders, New Jersey: Blue Dome.
4.    Ergene, Enes, 2008, Tradition Witnessing Modern Age: An Analysis of the Gulen Movement, New Jersey: Tughra.
5.    Carroll, Jill, 2007, A Dialogue of Civilizations: Gulen's Islamic Ideals and Humanistic Discourse, New Jersey: Tughra.
6.    Hunt, Robert, and Aslandogan, Yuksel, eds. 2006. Muslim Citizens of the Globalized World: Contributions of the Gülen Movement, New Jersey: The Light Inc. and IID Press.
7.    Yavuz, Hakan, and Esposito, John L. eds. 2004. Turkish Islam and the Secular State. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.
8.    Gündem, Mehmet. 2005. 11 Days with Fethullah Gülen: An Analysis of a Movement with Questions and Answers, Fifth Edition. Istanbul: Alfa; also available in English at http://en.fGülen .com/content/view/1925/14/
9.    Saritoprak, Zeki. 2005. An Islamic approach to peace and nonviolence: A Turkish experience. In Special Issue of The Muslim World 95(3): Blackwell.
10.    Ünal, Ali, and Williams, Alphonse, eds. 2000. Fethullah Gülen: Advocate of Dialogue. Fairfax: The Fountain.

Representative Publications in English by Gülen 
1.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2000. Pearls of Wisdom. Ali Ünal, trans. Fairfax: The Fountain.
2.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2000. Questions and Answers about Faith. Muhammed Selcuk, trans. Fairfax: The Fountain.
3.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2000. Criteria or Lights of the Way. London: Truestar.
4.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2004. In True Islam, Terror Does Not Exist. In Terror and Suicide Attacks: An Islamic Perspective. Ergün Çapan, ed. New Jersey: The Light Inc.
5.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2004. Key Concepts in the Practice of Sufism, vol. 1. New Jersey: The Light Inc.
6.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2004. Key Concepts in the Practice of Sufism, vol. 2. New Jersey: The Light Inc.
7.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2004. Love and the Essence of Being Human. Faruk Tuncer, ed. Mehmet Ünal and Nilüfer Korkmaz, trans. Istanbul: Journalist and Writers Foundation Publications.
8.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2004. Toward a Global Civilization of Love and Tolerance. New Jersey: The Light Inc.
9.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2005. The Messenger of God, Muhammad: An Analysis of the Prophet’s Life. Ali Ünal, trans. New Jersey: The Light Inc.
10.    Gülen, M. Fethullah. 2005. The Statue of OurSouls: Revival in Islamic Thought and Activism. Muhammed Cetin, trans. New Jersey: The Light Inc.

Academic Events Focusing on Fethullah Gülen and the Gülen Movement
1.    East and West Encounters: The Gulen Movement, University of Southern California, December 4-6, 2009.
2.    The Fifth International Conference on Islam in the Contemporary World: The Gulen Movement in Thought and Practice, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA, March 6-7, 2009.
3.    Islam in the Age of Global Challenges: Alternative Perspectives of the Gulen Movement, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., November 14-15, 2008.
4.    International Conference on Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gulen Movement, School of Oriental and African Studies, and London School of Economics, October 25-27, 2007.
5.    Third International Conference on Islam in the Contemporary World: Contributions of the Gulen Movement, University of Texas at San Antonio, November 3rd, 2007.
6.    International Conference on Islam in the Contemporary World: The Fethullah Gülen Movement in Thought and Practice, Rice University, Houston, Texas, November 12–13, 2005, co-sponsored by the Boniuk Center for the Study and Advancement of Religious Tolerance, Rice University, and A.D. Bruce Religious Center at University of Houston.
7.    The Chicago Interfaith Gathering Towards Interreligious Dialogue in the New Millenium: Finding Common Ground, Special Session on the Gülen Movement, November 10–11, 2005, co-sponsored by the Loyola University of Chicago, The University of Chicago Divinity School, DePaul University Department of Religious Studies, Catholic Theological Union, Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, Archdiocese of Chicago Ecumenical and Interreligious Affairs.
8.    Second International Conference on Islam in the Contemporary World: The Fethullah Gülen Movement in Thought and Practice, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, Texas, March 3–5, 2006, co-sponsored by the Graduate School for Religious Studies, Southern Methodist University.
9.    Second Annual Conference on Islam in the Contemporary World: The Fethullah Gülen Movement in Thought and Practice, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma, November 3–5, 2006, co-sponsored by the Department of Religious Studies, Petree College of Arts and Sciences at Oklahoma City University.
10.    The Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement, House of Lords, United Kingdom, October 25–27, 2007, co-sponsored by the University of Birmingham, UK, Hartford Seminary, USA, Leeds Metropolitan University, London Middle East Institute, and SOAS, University of London.
11.    Peaceful Coexistence: Thoughts and Practices of Fethullah Gülen, Rotterdam, The Netherlands, November 23–24, 2007, co-sponsored by Erasmus University, Rotterdam, and Cosmicus Foundation.
 
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